In 2019, the perception of corruption in public institutions increased in all countries of the region except Costa Rica, where it remained the same as in 2018.
As has been the case in recent years, Nicaragua's public sector continues to be perceived as the most corrupt in the region (transparency level 22 on a scale of 0 to 100), followed by Guatemala (26), Honduras (26), Dominican Republic (28), El Salvador (34), Panama (36), and Costa Rica (56).
Alejandro Giammattei, Guatemala's new president, is hosting a country with weak institutions, legal uncertainty and a business sector that is asking for a less "hostile" environment for new investments.
For Guatemalan businessmen, in order to have solid institutions in the country, aspects of the electoral system, civil service, justice sector and public expenditure must be modernized, strengthened and regulated.
On October 10, the National Meeting of Businessmen for Development (ENADE 2019) was held, which dealt with the theme "From a Liquid State to a Solid State."
The Dominican Republic, Panama and Honduras are the nations in the region where the majority of the population believes that corruption in governmentinstitutions has increased in the last twelve months.
The report "Barómetro Global de la Corrupción: América Latina y El Caribe 2019 - Opiniones y Experiencias de los ciudadanos en materia de corrupción" (Global Corruption Barometer: Latin America and the Caribbean 2019 - Opinions and Experiences of Citizens on Corruption), compiled by Transparency International and published on September 23, 2019, evaluated the perception of corruption in the countries of the region and some aspects of insecurity.
In 2018, the perception of corruption in public institutions increased in all countries in the region, except Panama, where it remained the same as in 2017, and El Salvador, where it slightly decreased.
As in previous years, Nicaragua's public sector continues to be considered the most corrupt in the region (level of transparency 25 on a scale of 0 to 100), followed by Guatemala (27), Honduras (29), El Salvador (35), Panama (37), and Costa Rica (56).
For Moody's, the withdrawal of the International Commission against Impunity weakens efforts to improve the rule of law in a country with high levels of corruption.
For Moody's, President Morales' decision to end the mandate of the International Commission against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG) is a setback for the country because corruption is still widespread and institutions are still fragile.
A bill by the Morales administration in Guatemala proposes creating an agency that would manage issues of commercial promotion, competitiveness, investment attraction and country brand.
Representatives from the Ministry of Economy presented in Congress a proposal for a Law to create the Institute for Commercial Promotion, ProGuatemala, which would absorb the functions and staff that at the moment execute the National Program of Competitiveness.
In Guatemala a bill has been presented to create an autonomous entity, made up of government and private investors, which would be responsible for planning and contracting out infrastructure works.
The legislative project that emerged at the National Entrepreneurs Meeting (Enade) 2017, includes the creation of a Superintendency of Road Infrastructure (Sivial), which would be an autonomous entity with the function of planning, tendering and contracting out infrastructure works.
In 2017, the perception of corruption in public institutions increased in all of the countries in the region, with the exception of Guatemala and Nicaragua, where it remained the same as in 2016, and in Costa Rica, where it decreased slightly.
The public sector still perceives Nicaragua to be the most corrupt country (transparency level 26 on a scale from 0 to 100), followed by Guatemala (28), Honduras (29), El Salvador (33), Panama (37) and Costa Rica (59).
Proportion of people who have paid a bribe in the last year to access a public service: in Panama 38%, in Honduras 33%, in El Salvador 31%, in Nicaragua 30%, in Guatemala 28% and in Costa Rica, 24%.
EDITORIAL
The report "People and Corruption: Latin America and the Caribbean", prepared by Transparency International, shows how inhabitants of Latin American countries have got used to corruption: from the scandalous cases at the highest political level to under the table payments which are made on a daily basis when carrying out procedures as simple as requesting medical care in a public hospital or obtaining a document from a public office.
An ICEFI study concludes that corruption in Guatemala, El Salvador and Honduras covers "virtually all sectors" and in Guatemala alone, the losses generated are estimated at $550 million per year.
The book "Corruption: Its Paths and Impact on Society and an Agenda to Confront it in the Central American North Triangle", "... studies the relationship between corruption and democracy, highlighting that corruption in the C.A.N.T -El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras - has special characteristics derived from historical aspects, such as the construction of weak states, periods of authoritarianism, civil war and counterinsurgency systems, and the impairment of judicial independence."
The public sector felt to be the most corrupt is still Nicaragua (transparency level 26 on a scale from 0 to 100), followed by Guatemala (28), Honduras (30), El Salvador (36), Panama (38) and Costa Rica (58).
In 2016 the perception of corruption in public institutions increased in all Central American countries except Guatemala, where it remained as in 2015 and in Costa Rica, where it fell.
The real entrepreneurs and CEOs do not need a state official, who will never be an entrepreneur, to tell them how to run a company and increase revenues.
Using its corporate power and taking advantage of the power vacuum that is afflicting the State, a public university in Costa Rica is paying first world salaries, exacerbating the inequality that exists between Costa Ricans and severely distorting the labor market.
The best way to help maintain the best business climate is active militancy in defence of democratic institutions.
All citizens are part of the constitutional structure of government, and employers as such should be the first line of defence for democratic institutions.
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